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Población y Desarrollo
versión impresa ISSN 2076-0531versión On-line ISSN 2076-054X
Poblac.Desarro. vol.30 no.59 SAN LORENZO dic. 2024
https://doi.org/10.18004/pdfce/2076-054x/2024.030.59.001
Articles
Fundamental of the care economy
1Centro de Análisis y Difusión de la Economía Paraguaya. Asunción, Paraguay
The care economy is a relatively new term and, therefore, there is a multiplicity of conceptual proposals that have evolved and have been enriched by the theoretical debate and the empirical evidence that has been generated thanks to time use surveys. Esquivel (2016) explains this evolution by pointing out that initially, the concept of care economy has its origins in the debate on domestic work. Later, the emphasis shifted to the relationship between care for children and the elderly provided in the domestic sphere and the characteristics and availability of care services, both state and private, focusing on dependent people.
From the conjunction of the contributions of philosophy and ethics of care, as well as the support of instruments for measuring the use of time, interpersonal and family relationships between people who are not dependent are also incorporated, since it is clear that the Their wellbeing also requires care. From this broader perspective, the care economy makes up a set of goods, services and actions paid and unpaid that aim to guarantee the social reproduction material/biological, ecological, cultural, emotional of people. Below are three aspects to be discussed to address more specifically the content of the care economy and measure its relevance in the economy and society: “We all need care and not just dependent people,” “Care it is paid and unpaid work” and “Care transcends borders: global care chains.”
“We all need care and not just dependent people”: Vulnerability is inherent to human beings and is universal and continuous throughout life (Fineman, 2008; and Fineman and Grear, 2013). People are interdependent beings (Tronto, 1993) and face certain conditions, sometimes vulnerable or helpless, but other times simply linked to affectivity and a sense of belonging. Therefore, the need for care is not limited to dependent people. The provision of healthy food typical of the gastronomic culture of the society in which people live at the family table constitutes a care action that is required not only by boys, girls, elderly people or people with disabilities, but by any member of the family. the family, including other people who are part of the emotional environment.
This perspective seeks to overcome the vision of “vulnerable groups” as specific populations, such as people with disabilities, single mothers, adolescents excluded from the educational sys- tem, youth in conflict with the law, populations in situations of extreme poverty or affected by natural disasters, among others. A different issue is that of care policies, in which the people subject to the right to receive the benefits provided by the policy are delimited. The sense of justice lies in preventing people from being below the minimum capabilities for a dignified life due to their vulnerability in any of its forms, not being able to make use of opportunities or having obstacles to achieving results (Nussbaum, 2006). Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish between the conceptual or theoretical debate on care and the scope of a public policy, since there are actions that can be replaced in the market or by the State, but others must necessarily be shared within the home.
“Care is paid and unpaid work”: Although one of its most important concerns of the care economy is to make visible and quantify unpaid work, which includes domestic and care work, paid work is also considered relevant. On the one hand, unpaid work is made invisible and therein lies the origin of the most important inequalities that affect women. Unpaid work does not receive the necessary recognition or support, leading to an overload of work for women who assume the majority of these responsibilities. The labor market penalizes women with lower income and precarious self-employed or independent work, even in the case of women who live alone or have decided not to have children. Social security systems exclude almost half of the women in the world since, for the most part, only paid workers and, in particular, those in a dependent relationship have the right to enter the contributory systems.
In the other hand, paid work in the market related to care, such as services provided to the elderly or children, have also historically been devalued and feminized, since they are considered extensions of work within homes. Domestic work is among the most informal and lowest paid, while care in the health or education sector is usually among the lowest paid.
“Care transcends borders: global care chains”: Migration and care have a close link. Many countries, including Paraguay, expel people who seek better economic opportunities outside their countries. The demand for care in countries with older demographic structures offers this opportunity since they require care services for the elderly, but they also need services for the care of children. Although opportunities open up, these usually involve precarious work and sometimes in conditions of illegality and absence of labor rights. In the countries of origin there are still problems, since emigration creates an emotional vacuum, which, together with changes in roles and responsibilities within the home, can affect the emotional well-being of children, increasing care overload in those who stay.
The three aforementioned aspects account for the complexity of operationalizing the care economy, measuring its size and impacts, and designing public policies. The care economy has profound effects on women and gender inequalities. But they also affect early childhood development and the economic opportunities and quality of life of older people and people with disabilities. The public policies involved are multiple and are not limited to national states, since migration and the sending of remittances are transnational in nature. Even national security, since, in many cases, contributors contribute or retire having lived and contributed in different countries. Care policies must go hand in hand with labor and production policies, social protection, education and health, integrating interventions and considering the life cycle and territorial characteristics.
The care economy is essential to guarantee the sustainability of life. Jobs paid and unpaid are essential for people’s lives, but also for the economy in general. The inequalities and obstacles that it generates for the economic autonomy of women constitute a loss for production, productivity, consumption, tax collections and social security contributions.
REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS
Esquivel, V. (2016). La economía feminista en América Latina. Revista Nueva Sociedad. N°265. Disponible en: https://static.nuso.org/media/articles/downloads/6._TC_Esquivel_265.pdf [ Links ]
Fineman, M. (2008). The Vulnerable Subject: Anchoring Equality in the Human Condition. Yale J. of Law & Feminism. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228137515_The_Vulnerable_Subject_Anchoring_Equality_in_the_Human_Condition/citation/ download [ Links ]
Fineman, M. & Grear, A. (2013). Vulnerability: Reflections on a New Ethical Foundation for Law and Politics. Farnham: Ashgate. 223pp. [ Links ]
Nussbaum, M. (2006). Frontiers of Justice. Disability, Nationality, Species Membership. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 487 pp. [ Links ]
Tronto, J. C. (1998). An Ethic of Care. Generations: Journal of the American Society on Aging, 22(3), 15-20. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44875693 [ Links ]
Received: March 31, 2024; Accepted: June 30, 2024










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